Monday, 26 November 2018


Patrice Lumumba (left center) immediately after being sworn in as the first Prime Minister 

The Belgians rushed the process of Congolese independence in 1960, but in the days following the formal handover of power to Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, the country’s most resource-rich province, Katanga, seceded. Katanga’s mines produced vast amounts of copper as well as the uranium that produced the fuel for the American bomb that decimated Hiroshima.

The secession sparked a five-year conflict during which Lumumba was assassinated and overthrown, the UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld’s airplane was shot down, and Belgian and UN troops occupied parts of the country. Joseph Mobutu, an army officer, emerged as the head of state in the Congo and remained a staunch Cold War ally of the United States.

Joseph Kabila came to power 17 years ago at the age of 29, following the assassination of the previous incumbent, President Laurent-Désiré Kabila, his father. He was reelected in 2006 and 2011.

In 2012, the country’s 35 bishops condemned the recent election results as subject to “serious errors,” and having been rife with “treachery, lies, and terror.” Cardinal Pasinya called for the results to be annulled and for Congolese to engage in acts of civil disobedience in protest.

Friday, 9 November 2018

Tanzania cracks down on LGBTQ community

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Violent Paul Makonda who was involved in violent on new constitutional dialogue in Dar pictured  attacking former Prime minister of Tanzania Joseph Warioba.

 Tanzania cracks down on LGBTQ community

On 31 October, Dar es Salaam’s Regional Commissioner Paul Makonda announced the creation of an anti-gay surveillance squad. He simultaneously called on the public to report members of the LGBTQ community, promising his team would “get their hands on them”.
In Tanzania, homosexual acts are punishable by up to 30 years in jail.
In the days since his announcement, Makonda said he has received more than 5,700 messages with the names of more than 100 people. Activists in Tanzania said there are reports that members of the LGBTQ community have already been arrested and they worry that Makonda’s announcement will spark anti-LGBT violence throughout the country.The national government has taken some steps to distance itself from Makonda, pledging to respect the international treaties on human rights it has signed on to.But President John Magufuli’s government has not actually condemned or halted the effort. In a country that was once at least semi-tolerant toward the LGBTQ community, Magufuli has resurrected anti-gay rhetoric since he took office in 2015. Administration officials have threatened to prosecute or deport LGBTQ rights activists and the government has shut down HIV programmes aimed specifically at supporting gay communities.
Most tellingly, 12 people were arrested last year after the government accused them of participating in a gathering to promote same-sex relationships.Activists have encouraged people in Tanzania worried about their safety to reach out to organisations like Rainbow Railroad, which can help extricate them from dangerous situations.

Wednesday, 17 October 2018


I am a Zanzibari. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was not – and I don’t think if he ever wanted to be, but every time I am reminded of him, I can’t stop asking myself: What if he were? What if he were a first president of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar, would he ever be, as well, the first president of the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar? But a much bigger question: could there be a union at all; and if yes, what would be a position of Zanzibar in it?
Being described as a visionary man and a super genius of his time, there is no doubt that if he were a Zanzibari, this political marriage would have never taken place; and if, in any unknown reasons the union would commence, then from the day one this Zanzibari leader would have been its powerful executive president and my country would have never been a crying baby under the feet of a big brother.
Surely, our Maalim Nyerere of Zanzibar would not accept an offer from his Tanganyikan counterpart to form a fairy-tale bond of their countries because – reading from his many intellectual papers on the value of sovereignty – he was a person who valued his country’s independence and was suspicious on everything he considered dangerous to his power. You could mention a dozen of reasons behind the collapse of the East African Community in 1977, for example, but you will not leave to mention the fear on the position of his Tanzania as a driving force.

4/22/1964-Zanzibar- President Julius Nyerere, (L), of Tanganyika and President Abeid Karume of Zanzibar sign articles of union under which the two countries will become “one sovereign state.” The union is subject to ratification by the Parliaments of both nations. Credit: GettyImages

Therefore, even if his Zanzibar was this tiny island nation, our Maalim Nyerere was a leader who valued and breathed our independence. It would not suit his intelligence to allow even one centimetre move towards dependency of his own nation. Of course, he was speaking for One Big Africaagainst many tiny states, but when his own version of freedom was concerned, he had such a powerful nose to smell colonialism. He could sense even an iota of it and would avoid it right away.
Don’t you remember his support for Biafra independence from Nigeria during 1967 Biafran War? It was just three years since Zanzibar became an integral part of Tanzania, whereas Biafra had been a part of Nigerian federation years back, but he threw his support to Igbos due to his belief in freedom and independence. Freedom!
Definitely, if he was our dear leader of our tiny Indian Ocean state, then Nyerere would never agree to be swallowed by such giant east African state some miles away from our sea shores. He would fear for his freedom – fear to be recolonized by his own neighbour. He once talked about The Second Scramble at his frequent lectures at the University of Dar es Salaam, in which he spoke bitterly against the geopolitical dynamics that was returning to Africa and threatened to make the continent their super dinner on the table.
I am quite sure, if Nyerere was a President of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar and his Tanganyikan counterpart came with the idea of the union, he would make a very strong argument in front of the Zanzibari intellectual community and then published a book, The Second Colonization, showing how the idea was bad for his tiny newly established nation.
But let’s make another assumption. Suppose our Maalim Nyerere of Zanzibar did not have any choice except to accept the ‘offer’ from Tanganyika’s strong man. Being sandwiched between the internal uncertainties and external threats, he would be forced to make a concession – ‘kukata jongoo kwa meno’as we say in Swahili.
He would, therefore, get into the political marriage but as cunning as he was, he would make sure that he does not lose more than what he had already missed. His first measures would have been to oppose any move that made him sacrificing his own powers to his Tanganyikan counterpart. It doesn’t even come close to my mind that he would agree the two-tier system. Never!
He would use all world’s references to show that this type of union had never existed and where it did exist – Ireland Vs Britain – it was nothing but a colonisation in bright day light! He would argue, strongly and academically, that the union could be either federal, confederal or unitary and would want his counterpart to choose one.
Yet another assumption. Under some situations, let’s say again our Maalim Nyerere would have accepted the two-tier union structure. He would only do so, after a very big concession from his counterpart. Using his manoeuvring skills, he would manage to convince everyone that it was necessary that all existing structures of the agreed matters be put under Zanzibar guardianship. It would be simple: Zanzibar, he would argue, was such a small part of the huge structure. Giving powers over the union matters is to guarantee it that it would never be swallowed by the big partner nor was it a means towards recolonization!
Once he got what he needed, our Maalim Nyerere would now go further to promote Zanzibaris’ dominance on each and everything in the new nation. An overhaul operation would immediately commence and in just two to three years, Zanzibar would be what the union is and the Union would be what the Zanzibar is. How he reached there, it would be a subject of many academic researches that would earn many intellectuals their university degrees and professorships for many years to come.
This much is what it would have been, if Nyerere were a Zanzibari.
But he never was.
And it had never been.
By Mohammed Ghasany.

Where is MO Dewji ?

Dont miss this one on 
Mo Dewji Saga:
 Suddenly Magufuli Finds Himself In a Political Crisis so many Journalist in the ground believe there is force with in the government of Tanzania involved in the kidnapping now there is new Saga of government refusing International Investigator to come to the country to investigate this dark force which is kidnapping politicians and popular business man like Mohammed Dewjoi sis distrbing so many people , International community even investor who want to come to the country to invest. Let Pray for teh safety of Mo time will tell and the truth soon will be out.

Police say two white men, probably foreigners, arrived at the hotel in a Toyota Surf, abducted the businessman, fired in the air before they disappeared. To date, there has been no clue from either investigators or relatives on the whereabouts of Mo; who might have carried out the kidnapping and why.
Meanwhile, the unresolved abduction has led to a tussle between the government and the opposition over calls to allow external investigators to join the hunt for the missing businessman. The opposition spokesperson for home affairs Godbless Lema Tuesday asked the government to invite foreign experts to resolve the abduction, accusing the police of not showing any serious resolve to find the businessman and arrest his abductors.
But in a quick response, Home Affairs deputy minister Hamad Masauni declared there was no intention within government to allow foreign investigators as the local police were capable of doing the work.

Latest on Mo Dewji: The Opposition Chadema party give a press briefing in Dar through their shadow minister for interior Godbless Lema and make some interesting suggestions that the ruling CCM may not take kindly to.