Sunday, 29 April 2012

Kikwete Government under fire











THE Central Committee (CC) of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has endorsed the decision by President Jakaya Kikwete to make a cabinet reshuffle as soon as possible.
During a media briefing in Dar es Salaam on Friday, the party's Ideology and Publicity Secretary, Mr Nape Nnauye, said that the necessary reshuffle was in response to the heated debate that ensued in the National Assembly in Dodoma last week.

During the debate some ministers were implicated in a report by the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) of mismanagement of public funds.
"President Kikwete held a session on Thursday with Prime Minister, Mizengo Pinda who briefed him on all that transpired in the Parliament last week.

The prime minister informed him about the position of the CCM Parliamentary Committee members who expressed dissatisfaction on performance by some of the ministers," Nape explained.
President Kikwete, he added, came up with a decision to institute a cabinet reshuffle and shared his position with the party's CC members who commended him for his decision and advised to ensure both disciplinary and legal measures were taken against the culprits.
Apart from the offending ministers, the CAG's report also implicated several other public officials accused of sanctioning dubious payments to ghost workers, signing bad contracts and the silence maintained on gross misuse of public funds in different district councils.

During the second week of the Parliamentary session in Dodoma, the legislators debated findings by the CAG as well as a report by three committees namely the Public Organizations Account Committee (POAC) under Mr Zitto Kabwe - MP, North Kigoma - Chadema); the Public Accounts Committee, (PAC) under Mr John Cheyo, MP - East Bariadi, UDP) and the Local Authority Accounts Committee (LAAT) under Mr Augustine Mrema, MP, East Vunjo - TLP).
Legislators spoke strongly against what they termed as unsatisfactory delivery of the entrusted public leaders (ministers and directors), some suggesting immediate resignation to allow an independent probe over the allegations they face.

Some of the MPs went as far as suggesting impeachment of Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda if implicated ministers refused to take responsibility and resign voluntarily.
However, when winding up the debate, each of the chairpersons of the Parliamentary oversight committee pointed out at areas of weakness that included sluggish response to matters of urgency that included allocation of loans to students in Higher Learning institutions.
The CC has commended the designated committee of the Zanzibar House of Representatives formed to investigate performance within different sectors in the Revolutionary Government.
"The CC applauded members of the House of Representatives in Zanzibar for a constructive debate of the report presented before them and commended the Zanzibar government for accepting the report and started working on it immediately," Nape explained.

Meanwhile, the CC has nominated the following to become Acting regional party secretaries in the recently formed regions of Geita, Njombe, Simiyu, Katavi and Magharibi. They are Hilda Kapaya, Shaibu Akwilombe, Hosea Mpwagike, Alphonce Kinamhala and Aziz Ramadhan Mapuri.

Zanzibari are demanding Indipendent from the union






Zanzibar — MEMBERS of the anti-union in the islands have been warned by Zanzibar authorities that they should abstain from breaking the law during the exercise to collect public opinion on the proposed new union constitution.
We need everyone's opinion, and all people should be free to suggest on what to be included in the constitution. Any illegal move towards breaking the union will not be accepted, warned the Zanzibar minister for constitution and legal affairs Mr Abubakari Khamis Bakar.
Bakar was speaking during a meeting with some leaders from UAMSHO Islamic group involved in the anti-union campaign. Minister for state (State House) Dr Mwinyihaji Makame, Minister for state (second vice president) Mr Mohamed Aboud Mohamed, and Zanzibar Police Commissioner Mr Mussa Ali Mussa also attended the meeting held the ministry of Information hall, Kikwajuni.
For weeks, anti-union groups in Zanzibar have conducted public rallies to motivate Zanzibaris against the union, saying the union is to blame for the economic and social challenges in the islands.
Sheikh Msellem Ali, Sheikh Farid Hadi, and Sheikh Azzan Khalid said at the meeting that the "Zanzibaris demands are open and clear. We need autonomy before discussing suitable political structure between Zanzibar and Tanganyika."
President Jakaya Kikwete, Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda, and Zanzibar leaders have said, at different occasions, that the upcoming opinion giving on "constitution review", excludes "to dissolve the union or not."
However, the faith-based public rallies, on Thursday and Friday continued to mobilize people against the union, as the anti-riot police patrolled the Zanzibar streets.
According Pinda's speech before moving a motion to adjourn the parliament business last Wednesday, 32 members "union constitution review commission", will start its duty next Tuesday amid fears that the commission may be rejected in the islands.

EEZ issue to be debated by House of Reps; THE Zanzibar government has said it has  mandate to stop the Union Government from extending the Exclusive Economic Zone in the Indian Ocean.
The government declared this amid pressure from the public as well as some members of the House of Representatives, who have been speaking out against the Union Government's move to demarcate its exclusive economic Zone. "We stick to our promise that the government.
will give its position about EEZ during the next session of the House of Representatives scheduled for March 28, this year," said Mr Mohamed Aboud Mohamed, State Minister in the Second Vice-President's office.
"We cannot stop the process, and I do not think we have reasons for doing so. Let us wait, we are discussing it and the government's position will be out during the next session." He said.
Zanzibar Attorney General (AG) Mr Othman Masoud also said that it might look embarrassing and illegal for Zanzibar to stop the Union government to extend the EEZ from the current 200 to 350 nautical miles. "I think people don't understand the EEZ issue, because of poor media coverage, and statements by politicians. It is high time the people, including reporters and politicians, read about EEZ and the process of demanding for the extension, so that people can be well informed instead of exaggerating the matter," said the AG.
Some legislators during recent House session proposed that Zanzibar government write immediately to the Union government, asking it to halt the EEZ request process, until the internal dispute over the sea area was resolved. The legislators, led by Mr Ismail Jussa Ladu (Mji Mkongwe - CUF), asked the speaker to allow a debate on the motion. The angry legislators reminded the speaker about the 2010 resolution in which oil and natural gas were removed from the list of union matters as well as the EEZ.



Report Reveal Karume Governmnet was corrupt



Probe commission has claimed that Zanzibar government under former President Amani Abeid Karume ordered the leasing of government land and buildings in Mambo Msiige heritage site under terms considered to contravene the isle’s interests.




Chakechake Representative Omar Ali Shehe chaired the committee, which was formed by the Isles House of Representatives. The committee revealed the land and buildings were leased to ASB Holdings Limited for 99 years for $1.5 million.



According to the committee’s investigation, the decision was taken with the backing of the Minister of State in the President’s Office, Dr Mwinyihaji Makame Mwadini, claiming he received the directive to that effect from the then Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, Dr Amani Abeid Karume.



However, Dr Mwadini was unable to produce written evidence of the order of the former Zanzibar president to lease the Mambo Msiige land and buildings.



Nevertheless, the probe committee found that documents on the lease of buildings along Shangani shores had ‘disappeared’ while in the custody of the Ministry of Lands, Settlements and Water. The report said the ministry’s deputy principal secretary, after being investigated, said his ministry had no documents for land application to lease land. But a former minister Mansoor Yussuf Himid challenged the remarks by the deputy principal secretary.



The United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) opposed leasing of buildings of Zanzibar Stone Town heritage sites. However, the probe committee established that a document (STCDA/4V0l.III/426) was issued in March 2011 to ASB Holdings Limited allowing them to pull down all the buildings in that area.



The report has recommended the termination of the lease process, saying it contravenes existing law and procedure for leasing land on the isles. “The buildings should be returned to the government and when need to lease them arises, the process should follow laid down procedure to taking into account national interest.



Besides Omar Ali Shehe, the other members of the commission are former minister of women children affairs Asha Bakari Makame, former minister of state in the Chief Minister’s office Hamza Hassann Juma (Kwamtura), Haji Hassan Hija (Kiwani), Mbarouk Wadi Mussa, (Mkwajuni), Yahya Khamis Hamad and Othman Ali Haji.



Saturday, 28 April 2012

East Africa Asembly to Endorse taking over the ICC case to East African Court of Justice

East African Legislative Assembly on Thursday unanimously endorsed and adopted a Motion urging the East African Community presidents to call for the transfer of the Kenya Post Election Violence cases to the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) from the ICC.




The regional assembly passed the resolution seeking to have the two cases against four Kenyans at The Hague referred to Arusha under the auspices of the EACJ.



The Motion which was introduced by Dan Wandera Ogallo from Uganda will now be presented to the upcoming 10th Extra Ordinary Session of the EAC Summit expected to be held in Arusha on Saturday.



In his Motion, Wandera Tanzaniasaid the push to have the case tried at the EACJ was necessitated by the need to safe guard the community's common value, fundamental interests and independence.



He explained that there is a mechanism in the region that member states can turn to for justice.



The resolution was that Kenya has over the last four years demonstrated its ability to resolve the matter locally.



The Motion which was seconded by Gervaise Akhaabi of Kenya, directed the EAC Council of Ministers to embark on process of requesting for the transfer of ICC cases and instituting them in the EA Court of Justice on the basis that the acts complained of are of contraventions of the Treaty.



Under the EAC Treaty, the EACJ is mandated to ensure adherence to the law and compliance to the treaty.



Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, former Head of Civil Service Francis Muthaura, Eldoret North MP William Ruto and journalist Joshua arap Sang are facing trial at The Hague based court.



On Wednesday Kenyatta and Muthaura filed an application before the Trial Chamber V seeking for postponement of their trial pending an outcome of the Appeals Chamber decision on their challenge to jurisdiction of the court to handle the matter.



Monday, 23 April 2012

2015 Tanzania election is likely ruling party will lose majority on Parliament

As CCM intrigues intensify, everyone’s talking about Ole Millya... Ole who?

By JENERALI ULIMWENGU

Ordinarily, a regional chief of a youth organisation of a political party would be small fry, and whatever he did would not add up to much in the general scheme of things political.

Still, when James Ole Millya, chair of the Arusha CCM regional youth wing, made a personal decision last week, it was something to write home about.

The young man called a press meeting to state that he was resigning all his party leadership positions, quitting the party he had been born into and — the shocker — joining the main opposition party and CCM’s current nemesis, Chadema.

But why would this relatively unimportant young man in a provincial setting have the chattering classes agog by simply changing party allegiance in a system where parties actually mean nothing?

For starters, Tanzanian officials never resign from office no matter what goes wrong on their watch.

A ferryboat capsizes, killing hundreds of voyagers and nobody in the transportation sector takes responsibility; a train is derailed and passengers are killed, and nothing happens; an ammunitions dump explodes, killing civilians, seriously damaging property and sowing panic and nobody in the defence ministry seems gravely concerned, et cetera et cetera.

That is when something has gone awry in an area for which someone is supposedly responsible.

There is also the case where someone has been abused by a superior or a system, where they know they are being treated shabbily and that there might be a better world outside the abusive setup, but they simply do not quit, for quitting is un-Tanzanian.

Like the nail on the wall, they keep receiving the hammer blows until the whole edifice crumbles with them in it.

So, why was this young man doing what is not the done thing in our culture, people are still asking.

For one thing, it is well known that this youth is a close ally of former prime minister Edward Lowassa, who resigned five years ago over an energy procurement scandal, but who is consistently reported as having presidential ambitions for 2015.

Lowassa is also known to harbour a grievance against President Jakaya Kikwete because he believes the latter left him holding the bag when they had both been involved in the controversial deal (in fact, in a recent top party caucus chaired by Kikwete, Lowassa said as much).


Lowassa’s unhappiness has not been lessened by efforts within his party to make him the sacrificial lamb in a hypocritical campaign against corruption.

There has been speculation that Lowassa, who has a huge following within the ruling party, could leave the party if he suspects it will not choose him as its presidential candidate.

So is Ole Millya a forerunner, a water tester sent to check the temperature both within Chadema and in the reaction of the public before Lowassa joins in?

Or is he — as a section of the press has suggested — a spy embedded within Chadema to gain firsthand knowledge of the main foe Lowassa will face in case his party picks him in 2015?

But statements that have been made thus far suggest that there may be more defections from the ruling party to Chadema in the coming few months, especially during the internal party elections taking place this year, in which the spurious debate over who is corrupt and who is not — in a party that has itself become synonymous with corruption — will create many casualties who may then jump to Chadema.

If that becomes the trend, it may not be long before Chadema is inundated by masses of immigrants from CCM, soon making that opposition party the ruling outfit and sending CCM the way of the Kanus and UNIPs of this world.

Indeed, could Lowassa be saying, if they don’t pick me I’ll strengthen Chadema and help it form the coming government, even if I am not in it?
 

Monday, 9 April 2012

Advise from Madaraka Nyerere to the party of his father.

Godbless Lema's loss of his parliamentary seat is bad news for the ruling party


The news from the Arumeru East constituency, in my view, is not the loss suffered in the poll on 1st April by Siyoi Sumari, the candidate of Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM); it is the reported celebrations that followed the win - not by members of Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), whose candidate Joshua Nassari has won the elections - but by some members of CCM, whose candidate lost the elections.

They were celebrating Sumari's loss, not Nassari's win.

For some time, I have heard of in-house rivalries within CCM between opposing candidates seeking their party's nomination in election campaigns. These rivalries are created during nomination campaigns and gain strength and momentum with the nomination and continue throughout the election campaign by the losing sides against their party's candidate.

A political party that has permament in-bred opponents clearly does not need political foes from other parties. It should also be a matter of grave concern for any Tanzanian who prefers politcal stability to chaos.

It appears likely that the custom that encourages those party members whose choice for candidate has lost the nomination to actively undermine the party's eventual choice is well-entrenched within CCM.

This has only become possible because of weak leadership at all levels of the party. Rather than address its inability to resolve within the party's structures the antagonisms that are preventing CCM from becoming a unitary structure with the capacity to take on the opposition, the CCM leadership has allowed these divisions to manifest and entrench themselves in election campaigns.

Now, to make matters worse, yesterday's court ruling that has stripped CHADEMA's Godbless Lema of his Arusha Urban parliamentary seat presents yet another occasion for CCM's members to excel, once again, at showing how good they are at undermining their own electoral campaigns. Within CCM, the same political factions that were at odds with each other in Arumeru will also be present in the Arusha Urban by-elections.

There is every likelihood that Godbless Lema will re-emerge the eventual winner in the Arusha Urban by-election. With another win, Tanzanian voters will begin to associate CCM with losing and CHADEMA with winning, a prospect that should be extremely disturbing for its leadership and threatens CCM's pivotal position at the helm of Tanzanian politics for the past fifty years.

If I was a staunch supporter of CCM, I would have wished that Judge Gabriel Rwakibalira would have ruled in Lema's favour. It would have been one less headache that CCM and its leadership would have to deal with.

The best option for CCM is not to field a candidate in the Arusha Urban by-election and take time off to re-engineer itself.

The Power of Oil Reserve in East Africa




IN ENERGY terms, east Africa has long been the continent’s poor cousin. Until last year it was thought to have no more than 6 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, compared with 60 billion in west Africa and even more in the north. Since a third of the region’s imports are oil-related, it has been especially vulnerable to oil shocks. The World Bank says that, after poor governance, high energy costs are the biggest drag on east Africa’s economy.

All that may be about to change. Kenya, the region’s biggest economy, was sent into delirium on March 26th by the announcement of a big oil strike in its wild north. A British oil firm, Tullow, now compares prospects in the Turkana region and across the border in Ethiopia to Britain’s bonanza from the North Sea. More wells will now be drilled across Kenya, which also holds out hopes for offshore exploration blocs.  Kenya’s find raised less joy in Uganda, where oil was first struck in 2006. Tullow, together with China’s CNOOC and Total of France, will start pumping it next year, initially at a paltry rate of 5,000 barrels a day (b/d). But the Lake Albert basin, which straddles the border between Uganda and Congo, holds over a billion barrels of proven reserves and possibly twice that in potential finds. Uganda has always played Oklahoma to Kenya’s Texas. It believed its bonanza had for once put it at an advantage: instead of importing oil through the Kenyan port of Mombasa, it would build a refinery and export petroleum products to Kenya at a premium. Uganda still has a head start, but Kenyan officials now see their country as a regional hub that combines geographical advantages, and its own newly discovered energy resources, with tax breaks, skills and services.
South Sudan, for years the largest oil producer in the region and locked in an oil dispute with Sudan, now wants to send crude out through Kenya on a pipeline to a proposed new port in Lamu (see map). Such a channel could also serve Ethiopia, which shares Kenya’s joy about their joint oil prospects. But their winnings pale next to those farther south. Tanzania has done well out of gold, earning record receipts of $2.1 billion last year, a 33% increase on 2010. It will do even better from gas. The past month has seen the discovery of enormous gasfields in Tanzanian offshore waters. That of Britain’s BG Group is big, Another, by Norway’s Statoil, is bigger. Statoil’s recent gas find alone is estimated to hold almost a billion barrels of oil equivalent (boe).
Happily, Tanzania’s gasfield extends south to Mozambique, where Italy’s Eni last month unveiled a find of 1.3 billion boe, matching similar finds by an American firm, Andarko. With plans to build a liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal, Mozambique could be a big exporter within a decade. At least the vast and impoverished south of Tanzania and north of Mozambique will be opened up to much-needed investment.
Yet the region is not just excited about fossil fuels; a parallel push towards alternative energy is under way. Several east African countries are keen to realise the Rift Valley’s geothermal prospects. One of the world’s largest wind farms is being built in Kenya not far from the new-found oil in Turkana. Its backers say it will produce 300MW, three times the total output of Rwanda.
That is a drop in the bucket for Ethiopia. Its rivers, plunging from well-watered highlands into deep canyons, have hydropower potential. Meles Zenawi, the prime minister, has ordered the construction of a series of dams at a total cost of over $8 billion. The jewel is the $4.7 billion Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile. This should generate 5,250MW when finished, increasing electricity production in the country fivefold, providing a surplus for export and allowing Ethiopia to open up as a manufacturer.
The arrival of potential energy wealth comes with risks. Instead of bringing the region together, petro-rivalry could drive it apart. The continued dispute between South Sudan and Sudan should serve as a warning. South Sudan has cut off its supply of 300,000 b/d to Sudan, most of which is destined for China, complaining that transit fees to Sudan’s export terminal are too high. The South Sudanese say Sudan has bombed its oil wells in recent weeks. Sudan whispers that South Sudan wants to replace Chinese oil companies with European ones. This is a sensitive point for Beijing: the Europeans have done especially well in the new scramble for oil in Africa.
Security is another potential problem, underscored by deadly grenade attacks in the Kenyan port of Mombasa this week by jihadists connected with Somalia’s al-Qaeda-linked Shabab militia. Heavily armed pastoralists like Kenya’s Turkana are unlikely to respect oil-company property. Ethiopia has hit gas in the Ogaden desert, and a Chinese company, PetroTrans, wants to invest $4 billion there. But Mr Zenawi will have to win over the region’s restive ethnic Somali population. Many oilmen suspect that Somalia itself may contain the region’s energy mother-lode; war and piracy put it beyond reach.
Management is another test. Few of the region’s governments have the capacity to strike fair deals with big oil companies. Tanzania is not alone in limping along with out-of-date and unsuitable laws. Nor do many have a good record of managing public accounts for the general good. Uganda’s president, Yoweri Museveni, looks increasingly like a dynastic ruler bent on enriching his clan. Still, the region’s millions of struggling poor are likely to be better off even if, as usual, the rich skim off the cream.

Sunday, 8 April 2012

What CCM have Learned from Arumeru by elections ?

The big victory of Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, in the Arumeru East by-election has sent early warning signals about the future of the political landscape in the country.
Chadema’s 26-year-old candidate, Joshua Nassari, was declared the winner last weekend, garnering 32,972 votes — 54 per cent of the vote. Mr Nassari’s closest rival, the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi’s flag bearer, Sioi Sumari, got 26,757 votes, or around 44 per cent.
Arumeru East constituency returning officer Trasias Kagenzi said while more than 120,000 people registered for the by-election, only 60,696 voted. Eligible votes were 60,038 while 661 votes were spoilt.
There were eight candidates running for the seat, but the remaining six did not even manage three figures.
Political pundits say the Arumeru-East by-election signals that the 2015 general election will be an unprecedentedly competitive one.



 

What we have Learned after two losing factions inside CCM lose to Chadema ?



You would hardly believe that this is happening within the same party that Julius Nyerere founded.




Inaugurating the CCM campaign three weeks ago, former president Benjamin Mkapa announced that he was going to advise President Kikwete to undertake land reform in Meru. Mr Mkapa said that the land reform will see the seizure of big tracts of land owned by rich individuals and their transfer to poor, landless people on the slopes of the Mount Meru.

Chadema’s flag bearer in hotly contested by-election, Joshua Nasari, has vowed to repossess land if elected.
The outcome of the by-election is also likely to be a gamechanger in Tanzania’s land policy as politicians have put land redistribution at the top of their agenda in the Arumeru East campaigns, which could see large tracts of land owned by big horticultural investors seized and reallocated to poor households.

Within his own CCM party, President Jakaya Kikwete –– who is set to pick a team to spearhead the constitutional reforms — faces opposition as some party heavyweights are said to be opposed to the political reforms. The divisions are likely to grow as the 2015 elections approach.
Needless to say, the poison secreted by these mindless squabbles — in Arusha and elsewhere — will find its way into the body politic.
Indeed the talk has been of poison — as in poison — these recent months, with senior officials of the government bandying around claims of some elements within the ruling clique having poisoned others in attempts at physical elimination.
So, come polling day, in a week’s time, one of the two parties will win election.