Friday 23 August 2013

EGYPT GENERAL WITH POWER AMBITIONS


General Abdel Fattah Saeed Hussein Khalil el-Sisi said the Brotherhood had started to turn a conservative nation against Islamic religion. 

But the general, and the army he commanded, would ensure that “Egypt remains Egypt,”

General power ambitions!on 3 July 2013, an Egyptian appeals court endorsed a verdict dismissing Prime Minister Qandil of his duties and sentencing him to one year in prison for not executing a court ruling.Subsequently, on the same day, President Morsi was removed from office and arrested by the Egyptian army, along with other leading Muslim Brotherhood figures.

 Arab Revolt of 1916 to 1918 failed in its objective, the Allied victory in World War I resulted in the end of Ottoman control in Arabia, may be the history is repeat it self now,in Arab world. but in different direction.

As head of the armed forces, he organized acoup d'etat to depose the first democratically elected President of EgyptMohamed Morsion 3 July 2013, following large-scale protests against Morsi and his Islamist government. Al-Sisi was subsequently appointed as First Deputy Prime Minister, while remaining Minister of Defense. 
  1. Education Bachelor of Military Sciences.
  2. Al -Sisi was born in Cairo on 19 November 1954. He graduated from the Egyptian Military Academy in 1977. He attended the following courses:
    • General Command and Staff Course, Egyptian Command and Staff College, 1987
    • General Command and Staff Course, Joint Command and Staff College, United Kingdom, 1992
    • War Course, Fellowship of the Higher War College, Nasser's Military Sciences Academy, Egypt, 2003
    • War Course, US Army War College, United States, 2006
    • Egyptian Military Attaché in Riyadh, KSA 
    • Basic Infantry Course, USA. 
    • When Egypt’s first elected president, Mohamed Morsi, promoted Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi to defense minister nearly a year ago, sweeping away an aging cadre of generals, many saw it as a triumph for the Islamist president, and for a fledgling democracy.Mr. Morsi had seized back broad powers from the old guard, and General Sisi, known to be pious, seemed to have a close relationship to the new president, even sending Mr. Morsi a laudatory telegram. “The men of the armed forces assert to your excellency their absolute loyalty to Egypt and its people, standing behind its leadership as guardians of the patriotic responsibility,” it read.

 The conflicting perceptions of General Sisi — seasoned officer reluctantly answering a call to serve, ambitious man with a “sense of destiny,” as one person who knows him put it — leave much of Egypt wondering whether he intends to return the country to civilian rule, as he has repeatedly promised, or to capitalize on public support for him by seeking power, formally or informally, for himself. At the war college, General Sisi wrestled with the question of “Democracy in the Middle East,” the title of a paper he wrote. More searching than dogmatic, the 17-page paper seemed to be heavily influenced by the war in Iraq and was critical of American attempts to impose democracy in the region.When Mr. Morsi picked General Sisi as defense minister, the general was a rising star, having served as the chief of military intelligence while drawing notice among defense officials in the United States. He trained at the United States Army War College in Pennsylvania in 2005, where he seemed especially drawn to a course dealing with civilian-military relations, according to his adviser at the college, Col. Stephen J. Gerras.
 In his speech last week, General Sisi categorically rejected the allegations, saying he had never “conspired.” Instead, he and people who know him talk about threats the military, Egypt’s most powerful institution and a virtual state within a state, had perceived from Mr. Morsi.
The anger started with a slight in October, at an anniversary celebration of the 1973 war. General Sisi found himself sitting near Tarek al-Zomor, a guest of the president who had been convicted of playing a role in the 1981 assassination of Anwar el-Sadat.
“He was very offended,” said an officer who knows the general. “Instead of sitting with officers who had shed their blood, he was forced to sit with the killer of General Sadat.”
The military’s discomfort grew as the economy plummeted, and in particular, as a dispute with Ethiopia over access to water in the Nile grew more serious. One diplomat said that General Sisi had started to come under increasing pressure from mid-ranking officers to act.
The American-trained general has been confronted with weeks of continuous sit-ins and protests by the now-deposed Muslim Brotherhood, overseeing the two worst episodes of killings of demonstrators by the security services since the 2011 uprising. The authorities have ordered an end to two sit-ins in Cairo, raising the specter of a broadening crackdown on the Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood had counted on winning broader support against General Sisi after Mr. Morsi’s ouster, and then after the death of scores of protesters. While the Islamists have maintained their vigils and marches around the country, General Sisi has so far managed to stir up enough support among opponents of the Brotherhood to generate backing for an even tougher crackdown.
“The army stands neutral before all factions,” General Sisi told Egyptians in a recent speech, saying that coming elections would be supervised “by the whole world.” But in the same speech, he asked millions of people to take to the streets on his behalf, to fight “violence and terrorism,” a reference to his Islamist opponents.
He criticized the practices of autocratic governments without ever singling out Egypt, saying they rigged elections and controlled the news media using “outright intimidation.” Religious leaders “who step beyond their bounds in government matters are often sent to prison without trial.”
The Arab world needed to create its own version of democracy, he said, mentioning a moderate religious foundation, education and poverty alleviation as critical elements. Islamist groups needed to be included in the process, “including radical ones,” he said.
After President Hosni Mubarak was toppled, General Sisi served on the army council that ran the country, where he was said to have run the negotiations with the Brotherhood, the country’s most powerful political force. He kept a low profile, but his name surfaced at least once in the headlines, when he acknowledged to Amnesty International that the military had subjected female protesters to “virginity tests” — and said they had been performed to protect soldiers from rape allegations.

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